Westedeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) - Germany’s third largest
newspaper and magazine is one of the media groups which are separately
but successfully running print and online editions.
WAZ has regional bureaus in various towns and cities which keep in
touch with the headquarters in Essen on daily basis.
Katrin Scheib the Managing Editor of Der Westen (The West) – WAZ’s
portal explained that her organization is able to run both print and
online editions without problems.
As much as people want to move with technology in disseminating news
through various social media networks and multimedia, there are some
people who will always want the printed version.
According to Ms.Scheib, WAZ’s effective use of both print and online
editions has remained the organization’s cutting edge over its
competitors.
“We have print and online editions which run separately. We however,
have one editorial policy and at times the online editors would use
some stories or pictures from print but often each entity is
independent of the other,” she explained.
Their Online edition has its own staff which has a totally different
work schedule from the print journalists. For WAZ online journalists,
the day begins at 0600 hours but has no fixed knocking-off time. If
there are major events of breaking news, online journalists often find
themselves in the office publishing stories. By 0945 hours every day,
they engage in their daily meeting for latest updates and often
bureaus from various regions or cities are involved in these meetings
through video conferences. Topics of Der Westen range from
international news to local information from 140 towns in Europe. In
addition to that, Der Westen offers videos and weblogs as the
important feature to enhance its brand.
The regional bureaus have a task to extensively report about different
areas better than anyone else to make sure that they outpace bloggers
and other publications in delivering news to people.
“Though bloggers are out there to compete with us, our secret to our
success is on our effective way of reporting. Our strength also lies
on our capability to manage synergies,” she added.
Despite the organization’s determination in utilizing print media,
Ms.Scheib explained that they use social media such as facebook,
twitter and even build a community section for Der Westen readership
to make sure that as many people as possible are reached. People can
create their profiles, blogs and find relevant local news using a map
tool.
She also said that the organization holds a number of trainings in
order to equip its staff members with current journalistic skills,
thereby remaining the dominating force in the media industry in both
West German and Europe at large.
While many regional publisher are publishing away from regional
portals, WAZ turns to the other way and they prove us they’re right.
WAZ’s story concerning printed and online newspaper assures readership
and journalists that both kinds of journalism can live together in
peace.
Our visit to WAZ head office demystified the concept that the days for
the existence of print media are numbered.
14 July, 2010
07 February, 2009
Masvingo curiously waits for new government
The people of masvingo are waiting for the new government to be announced next week if no changes are adopted by the three political parties.
Though most people were of the view that Zanu PF should step down as it was deafeted in the March 2008 harmonised elections, desperation and poverty which had severely hit them recently left them with no option besides to thump up for the inclusive government.
By 11 Ferbruary, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) Morgan Tsvangirai would be ordained the country's Prime Minister. Two days later, the cabinet ministers would be announced and the marriage life between Zanu PF and MDC would roll off thereafter.
Though most people were of the view that Zanu PF should step down as it was deafeted in the March 2008 harmonised elections, desperation and poverty which had severely hit them recently left them with no option besides to thump up for the inclusive government.
By 11 Ferbruary, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) Morgan Tsvangirai would be ordained the country's Prime Minister. Two days later, the cabinet ministers would be announced and the marriage life between Zanu PF and MDC would roll off thereafter.
23 July, 2008
"Nyika yaora" Can talks solve anything?
Zimbabwe's economy has gone to the dogs with the highest inflation in the world. Every sane Zimbabwean should be wary about the situation. The living conditions for almost everyone have decreased tremendously, many no longer afford to acquire even the basics. Vulnerable communities such as orphans are dying because of hunger, if you have never witnessed this, get it right this is a true Zimbabwean story.
July 21st 2008 shall be remembered for the signing of the MoU by political parties to begin inter party talks to solve the crises. Now the question is, Can the talks bring something good on our tables? post your comments here
22 July, 2008
Chipanga confesses his presidential ambitions
Hosia Chipanga, a popular sungura musician has confessed that he wanted to join the presidential racer in the March harmonised elections. Chipanga only decided to call it quits when he failed to follow all necessary channels to be in the competion as he thought were very undemocratic.
Having failed to make it into the race, which eventually pitted four candidates — President Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni and Langton Towungana — Chipanga now wants the existing political parties to merge and form one party.
He suggest the party be called MAPIPI — which stands for the Modern African People's Institute of Political Independence which will be God driven and have its roots in the people. www.herald.co.zw accesed 19 July 2008
"I wanted to contest as a presidential candidate during the March presidential elections. In fact, I tasked my lawyers to make an application for me," he said.
Chipanga started seeking legal guidance on the 2008 Presidential election in September last year, according to the correspondence he had with his legal practitioners, C Mutsahuni Chikore and Partners.
The Chitungwiza-based sungura artiste only decided against contesting at the beginning of this year when he was advised of the legal requirement that his nomination papers had to be signed by 10 supporters from each of the country's 10 provinces.
Chipanga feels the requirement is autocratic, binding and repressive.
"I felt this requirement was one way of trying to bar prospective candidates from entering the race. I decided not to pursue it further because I felt it was very binding.
"Naturally, as you all know, I have more than just one 'supporter' in each and every province of the country because when I hold my shows there, many people attend my shows and these could have easily signed my application," said Chipanga.
He added that this was not the first time that he had dabbled in politics.
"I was a politician first before I became a musician, but if I tell this to people they won't believe it.
"It started on September 13 in 1977 when I had a vision in which I was told to change the world, just like the Biblical John the Baptist.
"The first and closest political organisation that I formed was called the Organisation for International Peace and those who were there then might remember the time I was arrested by members of the CIO."
For many a Zimbabwean, Chipanga's political ambitions will be dismissed as a joke but he claims to have solutions to all the problems the country is currently facing.
"I wanted to show people the kind of leadership that is divine and God-inspired. All the suffering and problems that people the world over are going through is a result of lack of Godly wisdom. I tell you, I hold the keys to all these problems and I am willing to share them for our nation's good if I am approached.
"I don't have anything against any political party or leader and that is why I sang the song Sahwira Wenyika in which I am urging the ruling party and the opposition to come together as brothers," Chipanga said.
Despite missing out on the 2008 election, Chipanga — who is currently working on a new album — said he has decided to start "laying the groundwork now" ahead of the next presidential elections.
Having failed to make it into the race, which eventually pitted four candidates — President Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni and Langton Towungana — Chipanga now wants the existing political parties to merge and form one party.
He suggest the party be called MAPIPI — which stands for the Modern African People's Institute of Political Independence which will be God driven and have its roots in the people. www.herald.co.zw accesed 19 July 2008
"I wanted to contest as a presidential candidate during the March presidential elections. In fact, I tasked my lawyers to make an application for me," he said.
Chipanga started seeking legal guidance on the 2008 Presidential election in September last year, according to the correspondence he had with his legal practitioners, C Mutsahuni Chikore and Partners.
The Chitungwiza-based sungura artiste only decided against contesting at the beginning of this year when he was advised of the legal requirement that his nomination papers had to be signed by 10 supporters from each of the country's 10 provinces.
Chipanga feels the requirement is autocratic, binding and repressive.
"I felt this requirement was one way of trying to bar prospective candidates from entering the race. I decided not to pursue it further because I felt it was very binding.
"Naturally, as you all know, I have more than just one 'supporter' in each and every province of the country because when I hold my shows there, many people attend my shows and these could have easily signed my application," said Chipanga.
He added that this was not the first time that he had dabbled in politics.
"I was a politician first before I became a musician, but if I tell this to people they won't believe it.
"It started on September 13 in 1977 when I had a vision in which I was told to change the world, just like the Biblical John the Baptist.
"The first and closest political organisation that I formed was called the Organisation for International Peace and those who were there then might remember the time I was arrested by members of the CIO."
For many a Zimbabwean, Chipanga's political ambitions will be dismissed as a joke but he claims to have solutions to all the problems the country is currently facing.
"I wanted to show people the kind of leadership that is divine and God-inspired. All the suffering and problems that people the world over are going through is a result of lack of Godly wisdom. I tell you, I hold the keys to all these problems and I am willing to share them for our nation's good if I am approached.
"I don't have anything against any political party or leader and that is why I sang the song Sahwira Wenyika in which I am urging the ruling party and the opposition to come together as brothers," Chipanga said.
Despite missing out on the 2008 election, Chipanga — who is currently working on a new album — said he has decided to start "laying the groundwork now" ahead of the next presidential elections.
11 July, 2008
Fwd: Public demands removal of zeros... Gono under fire
Members of the public have this week advocated for the slash of several zeros from the local currency by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) to facilitate transactions in the purchase of goods and services and accounting procedures, a survey revealed.
Zimbabwe's inflation has hit a record approximately nine million percent with the smallest purchases costing over three billion. A cigarette by the street side is going for five billion while an ordinary t-shirt at a flea market costs over a trillion dollars. Some newspapers especially the privately owned are going for $ 70 billion dollars.
The majority of machines can count up to $10 billion, an amount which is equal to a charge per trip by commuter omnibuses from location to town in Gweru. Even the Automated Teller Machines (ATM), once the pride of banks and building societies are no longer functional due to many zeros. Mobile phone operators have already slashed zeros to make it easier for transactions.
Computer accounting systems have also been affected, as they are not compatible with so many zeros and this has compromised the accuracy of accounting systems.
If implemented this would be the second time the central bank will be slashing zeros.
In 2006 the bank deleted three zeros in an operation dubbed Sunrise but due to the hyperinflation, the local currency has accumulated more zeros than in 2006.
The slashing of zeros will come as a welcome measure to the many Zimbabweans who have been grappling with carrying large sums of money.
"It would be better if the zeros are slashed because business is greatly inconvenienced by many zeros and large sums of money are difficult to handle. What does it benefit to be called a trillionnare when you are still very poor? We appeal to RBZ to consider slashing of zeros as soon as possible," said an interviwee
Economists, however, say while this would retain the current accounting systems, which are failing to cope with the many zeros; it is a short-term measure and an indicator of failure on the part of government in the war against inflation.
In what they said would be a 'cosmetic measure' analysts say the decision would not tackle the major problem of inflation and foreign currency insufficiency.
"In a few months the zeros will be back again, they should deal with the root cause not the symptoms," said a top banker.
The reason why gender balance should be promoted
Societies have made important gains in addressing the problem of domestic violence, particularly in the area of service delivery to its victims. However, millions of women are battered by their intimate partners every year in countries around the globe.
www.answers.com/topic/domestic-violence?cat=biz-fin
History and Outrage
During the 1960s, the women's liberation movement began drawing attention to violence committed against women, and the battered women's movement began to form. At its core was the outrage of women who argued that individual cases of violence against women in the home added up to an enormous and unacceptable social problem. By the end of the 1970s, statistics proved that isolated cases of abuse were part of a shocking national problem. Victims became more visible; so, too, did the inadequacy of society's response. The battered women's movement emerged, becoming one of the most powerful social justice and service movements in United States history.
Shelters and hotlines began to spring up around the country. What began as a social, service-based response to crisis began to take on political urgency. The staggering numbers of women and children turning to shelters perpetually outpaced the growth of the movement. The shelter work uncovered endless horror stories: law enforcement officials who mislabeled domestic disturbances, judges who ruled in favor of perpetrators, and health care providers who mishandled violence-related injuries. At every turn, women seeking help could expect indifference, hostility, and endangerment. It became clear that helping women in crisis required more than front-line emergency services. It required changing the established social institutions and creating or changing the laws that affected them. During the 1980s, a vibrant network of nearly two thousand domestic violence programs in the United States organized into state coalitions, formed to take on the challenge of pressuring social institutions to adequately respond to victims.
The 1990s proved to be a watershed decade. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA, 1994) was passed, a major federal bill that provided more than $1 billion to assist shelters, train law enforcement personnel and judges, and support other crime-prevention efforts addressing violence against women. The decade also saw, via live television, the trial of football legend O. J. Simpson for allegedly murdering his former wife, Nicole, and her friend. Though he was eventually acquitted of criminal charges, Simpson's case prompted unprecedented media coverage of the issue of domestic violence.
Dilemmas and Opportunities
The domestic violence movement clearly has a rich history of achievement. The critical front-line service provision crisis response, while central to saving some women's and children's lives, can never realize its mission: to reach out to all victims. Despite its rapid growth, the service system is unable to keep pace with widespread need. Prevalence statistics and anecdotal evidence all point to the epidemic nature of domestic violence: Nearly one-third of American women (31%) report being physically or sexually abused by a husband or boyfriend at some point in their lives. Yet only a small fraction of abused women ever go to a shelter.
The domestic violence movement's agenda remains predominantly shaped by the quest to improve services for, and to make laws accountable to, domestic violence victims. As a result, the notion of domestic violence prevention in North America and most of Europe relies heavily on punitive criminal intervention. Although the movement has consistently educated policymakers and other institutions, the advocacy community has not focused collective attention on developing an agenda for preventing domestic violence at its earliest stages.
The criminalization of domestic violence and the sensitizing of criminal justice agents should by no means be abandoned. However, emphasis must also be given to other sectors of society, including communities of faith, health delivery systems, and workplaces. Preachers, doctors, employers, coworkers, friends, and family members are all in a prime position to reach out to help women facing abuse, as well as to let batterers know—perhaps for the first time—that their behavior is simply unacceptable. Evidence suggests that many battered women are actually more comfortable talking with friends and family members about the violence in their lives than with trained domestic violence professionals whom they do not know. Developing leadership within each of these arenas, then, represents a huge potential for disseminating more broadly messages that can begin to change the social norms.
Unfortunately, pervasive cultural acceptance of domestic violence at all levels of society helps to explain how the justice system has historically responded to domestic violence. Typically, police have not taken the problem seriously, rarely arresting perpetrators. When battered women persevered and tried to press charges, district attorneys often refused to support their cases, and the cases that did make it to court were likely to be dismissed.
While laws have strengthened the ability to respond to domestic violence cases, covert attitudes that condone battering explain why inaction is the norm rather than the exception. According to a 1996 public opinion survey, almost half of Americans (47%) currently believe that men sometimes physically abuse women because they are stressed out or drunk, not because they intend to hurt them. Clearly the domestic violence movement has yet to cultivate widespread attitudes that condemn violent abuse of women.
Recreating a Sense of Outrage
One of the greatest challenges facing the domestic violence movement is the widespread perception that spousal abuse is a "private matter." Domestic violence is often perceived as private business between two individuals that requires therapy rather than intervention. Creative approaches are needed in order to move a private matter into the sphere of public concern and to translate that public concern into a widespread social consensus for action. A successful strategy would include the following: a comprehensible institutional change approach to empower individuals to make contributions through the institutional structures that touch their daily lives; an emphasis on prevention that is partnered with an ongoing commitment to victims; a multifaceted media campaign that begins to change the collective social consciousness; and a reigniting of the community-based, political activism that spawned the movement in the first place.
For example, in the early 1990s, The Family Violence Prevention Fund (FVPF) began to explore ways to strategically inject the politics of outrage back into the domestic violence movement in the United States, combining media and community-based activism into an overall approach. In 1994, the FVPF launched a nationwide media and grassroots organizing campaign called "There's No Excuse for Domestic Violence." It targets the friends, family, and coworkers of victims of abuse who sanction the violence with their silence and whose actions can help change social norms. The campaign includes public service announcements that trumpet the campaign's key messages that "domestic violence is everybody's business" and "there's no excuse for it." In one powerful print ad, viewers are confronted with the image of a man brutally beating his cowering wife, under the words: "If the noise coming from next door were loud music, you'd do something about it." These public service announcements provide a toll-free number individuals can call for a free action kit, which details concrete ways people can address abuse in their workplaces and communities.
These and other programs that generate and communicate this kind of collective sense of indignation about the problem of domestic violence work toward a broader, more comprehensive approach that involves ever more components of society. Their aim is to proactively affect public policy and wide-ranging institutional policies, community responsibility, and individual action, and to move a "private issue" into a public space in which domestic violence is forbidden.
www.answers.com/topic/domestic-violence?cat=biz-fin
History and Outrage
During the 1960s, the women's liberation movement began drawing attention to violence committed against women, and the battered women's movement began to form. At its core was the outrage of women who argued that individual cases of violence against women in the home added up to an enormous and unacceptable social problem. By the end of the 1970s, statistics proved that isolated cases of abuse were part of a shocking national problem. Victims became more visible; so, too, did the inadequacy of society's response. The battered women's movement emerged, becoming one of the most powerful social justice and service movements in United States history.
Shelters and hotlines began to spring up around the country. What began as a social, service-based response to crisis began to take on political urgency. The staggering numbers of women and children turning to shelters perpetually outpaced the growth of the movement. The shelter work uncovered endless horror stories: law enforcement officials who mislabeled domestic disturbances, judges who ruled in favor of perpetrators, and health care providers who mishandled violence-related injuries. At every turn, women seeking help could expect indifference, hostility, and endangerment. It became clear that helping women in crisis required more than front-line emergency services. It required changing the established social institutions and creating or changing the laws that affected them. During the 1980s, a vibrant network of nearly two thousand domestic violence programs in the United States organized into state coalitions, formed to take on the challenge of pressuring social institutions to adequately respond to victims.
The 1990s proved to be a watershed decade. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA, 1994) was passed, a major federal bill that provided more than $1 billion to assist shelters, train law enforcement personnel and judges, and support other crime-prevention efforts addressing violence against women. The decade also saw, via live television, the trial of football legend O. J. Simpson for allegedly murdering his former wife, Nicole, and her friend. Though he was eventually acquitted of criminal charges, Simpson's case prompted unprecedented media coverage of the issue of domestic violence.
Dilemmas and Opportunities
The domestic violence movement clearly has a rich history of achievement. The critical front-line service provision crisis response, while central to saving some women's and children's lives, can never realize its mission: to reach out to all victims. Despite its rapid growth, the service system is unable to keep pace with widespread need. Prevalence statistics and anecdotal evidence all point to the epidemic nature of domestic violence: Nearly one-third of American women (31%) report being physically or sexually abused by a husband or boyfriend at some point in their lives. Yet only a small fraction of abused women ever go to a shelter.
The domestic violence movement's agenda remains predominantly shaped by the quest to improve services for, and to make laws accountable to, domestic violence victims. As a result, the notion of domestic violence prevention in North America and most of Europe relies heavily on punitive criminal intervention. Although the movement has consistently educated policymakers and other institutions, the advocacy community has not focused collective attention on developing an agenda for preventing domestic violence at its earliest stages.
The criminalization of domestic violence and the sensitizing of criminal justice agents should by no means be abandoned. However, emphasis must also be given to other sectors of society, including communities of faith, health delivery systems, and workplaces. Preachers, doctors, employers, coworkers, friends, and family members are all in a prime position to reach out to help women facing abuse, as well as to let batterers know—perhaps for the first time—that their behavior is simply unacceptable. Evidence suggests that many battered women are actually more comfortable talking with friends and family members about the violence in their lives than with trained domestic violence professionals whom they do not know. Developing leadership within each of these arenas, then, represents a huge potential for disseminating more broadly messages that can begin to change the social norms.
Unfortunately, pervasive cultural acceptance of domestic violence at all levels of society helps to explain how the justice system has historically responded to domestic violence. Typically, police have not taken the problem seriously, rarely arresting perpetrators. When battered women persevered and tried to press charges, district attorneys often refused to support their cases, and the cases that did make it to court were likely to be dismissed.
While laws have strengthened the ability to respond to domestic violence cases, covert attitudes that condone battering explain why inaction is the norm rather than the exception. According to a 1996 public opinion survey, almost half of Americans (47%) currently believe that men sometimes physically abuse women because they are stressed out or drunk, not because they intend to hurt them. Clearly the domestic violence movement has yet to cultivate widespread attitudes that condemn violent abuse of women.
Recreating a Sense of Outrage
One of the greatest challenges facing the domestic violence movement is the widespread perception that spousal abuse is a "private matter." Domestic violence is often perceived as private business between two individuals that requires therapy rather than intervention. Creative approaches are needed in order to move a private matter into the sphere of public concern and to translate that public concern into a widespread social consensus for action. A successful strategy would include the following: a comprehensible institutional change approach to empower individuals to make contributions through the institutional structures that touch their daily lives; an emphasis on prevention that is partnered with an ongoing commitment to victims; a multifaceted media campaign that begins to change the collective social consciousness; and a reigniting of the community-based, political activism that spawned the movement in the first place.
For example, in the early 1990s, The Family Violence Prevention Fund (FVPF) began to explore ways to strategically inject the politics of outrage back into the domestic violence movement in the United States, combining media and community-based activism into an overall approach. In 1994, the FVPF launched a nationwide media and grassroots organizing campaign called "There's No Excuse for Domestic Violence." It targets the friends, family, and coworkers of victims of abuse who sanction the violence with their silence and whose actions can help change social norms. The campaign includes public service announcements that trumpet the campaign's key messages that "domestic violence is everybody's business" and "there's no excuse for it." In one powerful print ad, viewers are confronted with the image of a man brutally beating his cowering wife, under the words: "If the noise coming from next door were loud music, you'd do something about it." These public service announcements provide a toll-free number individuals can call for a free action kit, which details concrete ways people can address abuse in their workplaces and communities.
These and other programs that generate and communicate this kind of collective sense of indignation about the problem of domestic violence work toward a broader, more comprehensive approach that involves ever more components of society. Their aim is to proactively affect public policy and wide-ranging institutional policies, community responsibility, and individual action, and to move a "private issue" into a public space in which domestic violence is forbidden.
22 June, 2008
What next Zimbabwe?
I'M LOOKING BEYOND YOU. . . Tsvangirai decided to pull outMorgan Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe's opposition leader, has withdrawn from the country's presidential election, saying an escalating campaign of violence by President Robert Mugabe's youths has made a free and fair poll impossible.
"We in the MDC have resolved that we will no longer participate in this violent, illegitimate shame of an election process," said Mr Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change.
Mr Mugabe had "declared war by saying that the bullet has replaced the ballot," Mr Tsvangirai said.
"We believe an election that reflects the will of the people is impossible," he said, appealing to United Nations, African Union and Southern African Development Community to "intervene and stop the genocide".
The MDC and Mr Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in the March 29 election, but according to election officials, failed to win an absolute majority needed to secure the presidency.
A second round ballot was due to be held this Friday, 27 June.
But Mr Mugabe and his militia have waged a campaign of murder, rape and violence against the MDC, which claims 86 of its members and supporters have been killed and 200,000 displaced from their homes.
"We in the MDC cannot ask them (the voters) to cast their vote on June 27, when that vote could cost them their lives," Mr Tsvangirai told a press conference in Harare.
Mr Tsvangirai, who has been arrested while campaigning several times in the past fortnight, only to be released without charge each time, said there was a state-sponsored plot to keep the 84-year-old Mr Mugabe in power.
Mr Patrick Chinamasa, Mr Mugabe's justice minister, denied there was a campaign of violence, claiming Mr Tsvangirai was quitting because he feared losing the run-off poll.
"There's no genocide taking place anywhere, justifying any intervention. He's only saying that to bring foreign intervention in this country," Mr Chinamasa said. "With respect to the reasons he gave for withdrawing, it is not true that it's due to political violence because it is his party that has been instigating violence."
On the legitimacy of Mr Mugabe's apparent victory by default, Mr Chinamasa said: "What legitimacy do you lose when a candidate withdraws, fearing defeat? The situation on the ground is now very supportive of us and Tsvangirai knows he faces certain defeat.
"He spent a lot of time outside the country talking to people who do not vote. Tsvangirai must write formally to ZEC (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission) advising that he is withdrawing from the race, in which event there will be one candidate, meaning there will not be a poll. If he doesn't, the poll will take place."
There has also been a campaign to target MDC officials and their families.Mr Tendai Biti, a top MDC Secretary General and lieutenant to Mr Tsvangirai, is in custody on a treason charge and other offences that carry a possible death penalty. A magistrate has ordered him held until at least July 7.
Mr Mugabe, who has ruled since Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain in 1980, has repeatedly vowed never to turn over power to the opposition, which he brands a puppet of Britain and the United States.
On Friday, he warned that "only God" could remove him from office and said the MDC would never rule Zimbabwe. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
"We in the MDC have resolved that we will no longer participate in this violent, illegitimate shame of an election process," said Mr Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change.
Mr Mugabe had "declared war by saying that the bullet has replaced the ballot," Mr Tsvangirai said.
"We believe an election that reflects the will of the people is impossible," he said, appealing to United Nations, African Union and Southern African Development Community to "intervene and stop the genocide".
The MDC and Mr Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in the March 29 election, but according to election officials, failed to win an absolute majority needed to secure the presidency.
A second round ballot was due to be held this Friday, 27 June.
But Mr Mugabe and his militia have waged a campaign of murder, rape and violence against the MDC, which claims 86 of its members and supporters have been killed and 200,000 displaced from their homes.
"We in the MDC cannot ask them (the voters) to cast their vote on June 27, when that vote could cost them their lives," Mr Tsvangirai told a press conference in Harare.
Mr Tsvangirai, who has been arrested while campaigning several times in the past fortnight, only to be released without charge each time, said there was a state-sponsored plot to keep the 84-year-old Mr Mugabe in power.
Mr Patrick Chinamasa, Mr Mugabe's justice minister, denied there was a campaign of violence, claiming Mr Tsvangirai was quitting because he feared losing the run-off poll.
"There's no genocide taking place anywhere, justifying any intervention. He's only saying that to bring foreign intervention in this country," Mr Chinamasa said. "With respect to the reasons he gave for withdrawing, it is not true that it's due to political violence because it is his party that has been instigating violence."
On the legitimacy of Mr Mugabe's apparent victory by default, Mr Chinamasa said: "What legitimacy do you lose when a candidate withdraws, fearing defeat? The situation on the ground is now very supportive of us and Tsvangirai knows he faces certain defeat.
"He spent a lot of time outside the country talking to people who do not vote. Tsvangirai must write formally to ZEC (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission) advising that he is withdrawing from the race, in which event there will be one candidate, meaning there will not be a poll. If he doesn't, the poll will take place."
There has also been a campaign to target MDC officials and their families.Mr Tendai Biti, a top MDC Secretary General and lieutenant to Mr Tsvangirai, is in custody on a treason charge and other offences that carry a possible death penalty. A magistrate has ordered him held until at least July 7.
Mr Mugabe, who has ruled since Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain in 1980, has repeatedly vowed never to turn over power to the opposition, which he brands a puppet of Britain and the United States.
On Friday, he warned that "only God" could remove him from office and said the MDC would never rule Zimbabwe. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
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